I posted recently about the network of small states that existed between the Roman and Persian empires, the two superpowers of Late Antiquity. Most of these buffer states are of little interest to non-specialists, but two of those middling powers in particular demand our attention for what they suggest about the early history of both Christianity and Islam. Arguably, early Islamic history makes little sense except in the context of these two remarkably influential tribal powers, which together represent a lost Christian realm.

A familiar myth suggests that it was mainly the force of Islam that brought Arab peoples into the traditional heartlands of the civilized Near East, around the 630s. We perhaps visualize this in terms of memories of massed camel charges from Lawrence of Arabia—though camels really had nothing to do with those early Islamic conquests. In reality, Arab tribes and ethnic groups were very powerful indeed long before this, and some formed influential states in the lands that we would today think of as Jordan, Iraq and Syria, territories contested between the two great empires. To the west stood the Ghassanid kingdom, the “Sons of Ghassan,” allied with Rome. In the east were the pro-Persian Lakhmids, with their capital at al-Hira. (The best scholar on this era is Irfan Shahid, author of several key books on the Arabs before Islam).

To Christian All Islamic Content In One Place Crossword

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The Ghassanids arrived in the region as refugees from further south in Arabia, possibly as Christians fleeing persecution by Jewish tribes. From the fifth century they formed a powerful state, which became vastly more powerful in the sixth century as the wars between Rome and Persia escalated. The Byzantine Empire relied heavily on Arab allies (foederati) like king al-Harith (“Arethas”) and his son al-Mundhir. Far from being barbarians, the kingdom was deeply integrated into the Byzantine politics of the day.

Its leaders were also strongly Christian, and were mainstays of the Syriac-speaking Monophysite/Miaphysite churches. The sixth century kings ensured that the Syrian Monophysite church survived and flourished under their protection, creating a powerful Middle East tradition that endured for centuries. Al-Harith was the patron of Jacobus Baradeus, the church’s wide-ranging evangelist (hence “Jacobites”). This story by the way exactly fits the pattern I described in earlier posts of religious traditions persecuted in one region being able to flee for safety across a convenient border, of “refugee faith.” Later Ghassanids refused conversion to Islam, and many of their descendants remained Christian until modern times.

Although they served the Persians, the Lakhmids also included a strong and deeply rooted Christian element. Al-Hira was an important bishopric of the Church of the East.

The landscape in which the Ghassanids operated included several cultural and religious centers that would be critical for both Christianity and early Islam. One was Sergiopolis (Resafa) the beloved shrine of the martyr saint Sergius, and effectively the religious capital of a wide region of what is now Syria and Iraq. In the sixth century, it was the seat of a metropolitan, with five suffragan sees. As so often happened in Western Europe, later medieval rulers continued to build in and around such ancient religious shrines, so that Sergiopolis became the palace of the eighth century Caliph Hisham.

Another great Ghassanid city was Bostra, the metropolitan see of Arabia. It also featured extensively in later legend as the place where the prophet Muhammad met the Christian monk Bahira, who acknowledged his prophetic destiny.

By the seventh century, both empires were facing growing difficulties from their client states. The Lakhmids rebelled openly against the Persians, while religious divisions made the Ghassanids ever more discontented with Roman rule. These conflicts formed the background to the new movement of Islam. Reputedly, the Lakhmids helped the Muslims against their former Persian enemies.

But even after Islam had triumphed, the two Arab kingdoms exercised a lasting influence on the new empire, which still based itself in their former territories. I have already suggested how highly the new Muslim rulers valued places like Bostra and Resafa. In the East, al-Hira was supposedly the place where the Arabic alphabet. It is very close to Kufa—hence “Kufic” script. Others attribute it to the Christian Arabs of al-Anbar

Some scholars go much further in proposing Christian influence over the emerging Islam. For one scholar, Christoph Luxenberg, the Qur’an demonstrates a Christian Syriac literary background that could certainly not have arisen in Mecca or nearby parts of Arabia, which had no adequate schools or libraries. Instead, he suggests, the Qur’an originated in a Christian environment in al-Hira or al-Anbar—and so, by implication, did much of the faith of Islam. Although this is highly controversial, there is no doubt that the old Christian Arab world left a substantial inheritance.

Cross-post at Anxious Bench.

Abstract

To Christian All Islamic Content In One Places

Abraham duns le Corart. B y Y . Moubarac. Etudes Musulmanes, No. V. (Librairie Philosophique: J. Vrin, Paris; n.p.) BLACKFRIARS true prophet; i n Medina, faced with the reality of Jewish opposition, he built Abraham up as a non-Jewish, non-Christian, all-Islamic figure, the prototype of hmself. Thus was added the weight of scholarship to a view nearly as old as the preachng of the Qur’In itself. To this the author opposes a new concept. He shows that there is consistent development of the figure of Abraham, an evolution which takes place ‘under the impulse of religious thought’. This is the crucial question. The evidence is treated carefully and shown to suit the new interpretation as well as it did the old. Abraham is shown to be already in the Meccan period the type of religious perfection, and wholly independently of anti-Jewish or anti-Christian polemic. The characteristic of this book is the care with w h c h every passage is studied in order to extract its intended meaning. The Qur’iin does not, for example, choose the God of Abraham in order to be different from Jews and Christians ; it recognizes a difference because it believes the Only

Journal

New Blackfriars – Wiley

Published: Jan 1, 1959